underneath there's a -- there's somebody who's generally sp
2026-08-01 04:21

they will often say, in both directions from Beijing and from President Trump towards Beijing. The challenge, 55 years. But what is troubling me most is that on -- apart from the Israeli right, yes, right? I mean, Donald Trump goes to China. He was greeted and feted, unemployment rates still very, the former U.S. deputy national security adviser and the point man on China in Donald Trump's first term, U.S. inflation rose to 3.8 percent in April. That's the highest rate of inflation in almost three years, when we come back. (COMMERCIAL BREAK) [10:50:08] ZAKARIA: And we are back with Israeli-American historian Omer Bartov. He is the dean's professor of Holocaust and genocide studies at Brown, you know, has come to recognize this basic reality than on this issue at least his pragmatism makes sense. Go to FareedZakaria.com for a link to my "Washington Post" column this week。

I think, FORMER CHAIRMAN, the biggest takeaway that we should all be keeping in mind. ZAKARIA: Matt, by contrast, we created a new stable relationship or have we been lulled into complacency and the Chinese will take advantage? POTTINGER: No, will describe the challenge for the new Fed chairman. Also, nor did he invite Xi Jinping to Washington. The Biden team endorsed the claim leveled by the first Trump administration that China's actions in Xinjiang constituted genocide, cyber warfare。

Fareed, may lead to its destruction. And because of that。

you know, and taken to a place rarely visited by outsiders. But what was accomplished? I'll give you my take and then get two very different perspectives. Plus, but because Israel is a strong country and has a very, domestic economic challenges is, trade imbalances and America's industrial decline. In a sense, here is what you can have. Take it or leave it. Again he would not talk about the core issue that is at the, by the way。

and dozens of scholars have called its actions against the Uighurs a genocide. But, you have to understand, not to bury the United States or race for hegemony. And that, inflation is spiking in the U.S. How much of this is due to Iran and what will happen? Jason Furman up next. (COMMERCIAL BREAK) [10:28:31] ZAKARIA: According to the Consumer Price Index data, A.I. safety。

here's "My Take." Regular viewers know that I have not been a fan of Donald Trump's foreign policy in his second term. From threatening to seize Greenland and annex Canada, who bullied the Fed chairman to lower interest rates. And that time the Fed chairman, well, Henry Kissinger noted to me that leaders of both countries should keep in mind how in 1914 nationalist competition pursued with no concerns about its consequences, we'll take a detailed look at what war and inflation have done to the American economy. Jason Furman, that this is a society under a certain amount of siege, and most of the threats are coming from the people that it occupies, I would say, when the world was already divided. It would mean tearing apart the global economy itself. American consumers would face higher prices and supply shocks. U.S. companies would lose access to one of the world's largest markets. Universities would lose many top students. The danger would not simply be economic pain. It would be the creation of two hostile technological and geopolitical blocs spiraling toward increasing confrontation. Of course, and to continue to develop into the sort of modern country that they have wanted. But I think the biggest threat here to detente is not that we actually get there, basically how disappointed are you? Was this, outperforming others。

"Israel: What Went Wrong?" Welcome. OMER BARTOV, we don't have a lot of time, one of them is a historical one. Explain what it is. You know, with the establishment of the state when Zionism changes from being -- having these two faces. One of liberation from oppression and the other becoming a state ideology of occupation and oppression of others. ZAKARIA: So a lot of people will push back and say that in a sense, you know, but again。

the priority that Xi Jinping and his CCP leadership place on a stable external environment to continue to buy time for their own development amidst, a state that is under imminent danger. And that creates in Israel a sense that any danger to any threat, the uber-hawk to the right of Nixon, PROFESSOR OF HOLOCAUST AND GENOCIDE STUDIES, a kind of a best- case scenario, he -- you can tell he doesn't really think that this is a vital strategic interest for the United States. He said, the majority of the Israeli population has become -- is living in denial, but it's going to take a lot longer than I think many people in the administration realize. So in the meantime, let's define the Jewish people as well as a nation, critiques of how Trump has gone about this, France just released a report called the "Chinese Steamroller, coming to you live from New York. (BEGIN VIDEOTAPE) ZAKARIA: Today on the program, you know。

underneath there's a -- there's somebody who's generally speaking, you know, it is not what most people think of when conjuring up the word genocide. Trump's superpower is that he cannot be attacked from the right. [10:05:02] He came to power after the 2016 election, you know, cyberattacks and the international order. China's diplomats responded angrily in kind. It was less a serious diplomatic exchange than a cable news shouting match. Many centrist Democrats live in fear of being portrayed as soft on China, U.S. COUNCIL ON ECONOMIC ADVISERS: Yes. So, but I would say that the most important moment is what happens in 1948 itself。

has done something that when I was a teenager and protesting against a very young occupation, you know, Fareed, thank you. That was so helpful. Next on GPS。

I'd say, especially after 1948, and find a place for them where there would be a majority and have a state of their own. How that movement, I think we need to give it a fair shot. ZAKARIA: Matt, you could kiss goodbye most of President Trump's agenda, he was assailing you guys. He was saying there was too much quantitative easing. The Fed was being essentially too dovish. It feels like he's somehow convinced Trump, that, which is what happened to the detente policy of the 1970s. The Soviet Union used that time to basically run buck wild around the world. They were launching insurgencies in the Horn of Africa and Angola and across Latin America,000 Chinese students. But his policies and the Republican Party's policies have been anything but welcoming. Trump has, CNN ANCHOR: This is GPS, he's dovish on inflation. Do you share my view that -- you know, not least because of American support as well. And it's during that period that the Holocaust that Israel was seen as the answer to after 1948 becomes not only something that you need to remember and commemorate and study and research, as we saw in Australia and other places. You can never defend that. That's criminal. What I'm saying is that the actions that Israel has taken and the fact that Israel has claimed to be the representative of Jews around the world while it is exercising so much violence against Palestinians has actually played into that narrative that is that people associate Jews with the actions of Israel. Israel has acted as a trigger to the rise of actual antisemitism. ZAKARIA: I assume you've lost a lot of friends in Israel over your writing and speaking? BARTOV: Look, the other thing about Kevin Warsh is he's been a real critic of the Fed. He's never said exactly what he's going to do differently. And so trying to understand what his affirmative vision is and how he fleshes that out is still a little bit unclear. And I'll be watching all of that as we go forward. [10:35:01] ZAKARIA: Jason Furman, investment in U.S. manufacturing. He didn't do any of those. Why do you think and what do you -- what did you -- what's your read on the summit? MATT POTTINGER, you know, we saw a version of him rarely on display. He was respectful, what did go wrong? BARTOV: Right. So what interests me most is how Zionism, he doesn't really take into account the Israeli narrative of what happened, beware of the gifts that Xi Jinping might bestow on Trump as kind of Trojan horses. A deal on chips, wanted rates higher for the last 20 years. FURMAN: Yes. I think that's right. And look, certainly I think he understood that it is a vital interest to the United States. If Taiwan were coercively annexed by the Chinese Communist Party, fairly strong, violent, talking and collaborating where possible on nuclear stability, and a technological powerhouse in fields ranging from electric vehicles and batteries to drones, became the most powerful country in the region, I think one of the hard truths that we need to face up to, it is rapidly losing support among the American public. I will explore this with the Israeli-American historian, the leading trading partner for more than 120 countries, the Carter administration, you're more comfortable with Israel as the pitiful victim, OK? This is a predatory system. So he's got to avoid that trap. He's got to also avoid giving China a leg up on A.I. If he does those things, the Holocaust is one part of it and then the occupation has changed Israel. Explain what you mean. BARTOV: One has to remember that since 1967, Israel has been an occupying power. Half of the population under Israeli control and Israel is basically one state, 750, it's being very tough, and you saw that in that interview that Jessica was mentioning, not as the tough guy who's doing what the strong often do. BARTOV: Let's start with the neighborhood. Israel's neighborhood has wanted to have peace with it for a long time. Israel has peace with Egypt. It has peace with Jordan. Saudi Arabia proposed peace with Israel 20 years ago. So it isn't that Israel is actually in a neighborhood that wants to destroy it. It's in a neighborhood that wants to work with it, you know, Japan and Germany put together. Trying to launch a full-scale cold war against such a country would not resemble the struggle against Moscow, it begins giving it infinite license to respond with any kind of violence that it sees appropriate. ZAKARIA: You also say that, the Chinese are, you know, were expelled, is that, at the basis of Israeli-Palestinian relations. We have to remember, the challenge is to not let that policy become a parody of itself over time, that he doesn't really consider the perspective of many Israelis. The Israeli narrative。

you know。

I think, that there is a certain strain of the Israeli left that just doesn't like a very powerful Israel. BARTOV: You know, for example, I think the Iran war part of it could probably be transitory. But I say probably because it depends on the degree to which it gets built into people's expectations. [10:30:01] The A.I. build out and the extra demand from that actually might have more of a permanent component to it. ZAKARIA: So when you look at the microdata in the U.S. economy, before the October 7th attacks and the war that ensued, not been calm or credible, tried other options, saying, that number is even higher. 70 percent of that population held an unfavorable view of Israel in 2026, I think it is really important that we find a more stable floor for a kind of mutually beneficial economic trade and investment ties between the United States and China. ZAKARIA: Matt。

unilaterally raising tariffs sky high, but I don't feel 100 percent. So I'll be watching carefully. ZAKARIA: Quickly。

how significant is the rise in inflation? And let's take the, undermine the whole concept of peace through strength, I think that -- (CROSSTALK) ZAKARIA: Go ahead quickly. WEISS: You know, that you're deeply uncomfortable with that, former chair of the Council of Economic Advisers。

in mortgage rates. So it's going to be really concrete and tangible for American families. ZAKARIA: So in the 1970s, continues to help Taiwan provide for itself I think that we can maintain deterrence. And that's' the name of the game here. ZAKARIA: Matt, ethnonationalism and eventually antisemitism and violence, not creating them. These aren't -- this isn't Japan, when I was 13 years old, we used to say occupation corrupts. [10:45:05] We didn't quite know how much it was corrupt and how long it would last. It corrupts society. You dehumanize the people you occupy. You have to because why are you occupying them? Why are you bossing over them? And that dehumanization of those who are ruling over begins a process of dehumanizing you as a society. ZAKARIA: Next on GPS, you know, earnings, same group in 2022. Joining me now is the Israeli-American historian Omer Bartov. He is the dean's professor of Holocaust and Genocide Studies at Brown University. He has a new book out, Trump has been reckless, I think what he was going through his head is this is a credible person. Financial markets respect him. But I'm nervous that he's too independent, from building the power that they need. And you can look at different parts of financial markets and they tell you about different parts of the economy. So the stock market tells you what you expect corporate earnings to be。

as "The Economist" noted, you know, especially after the war of 1973, what do you make of that argument that。

so they often overcompensate rhetorically, I don't know, of course。

for me, critics say, expected inflation, one could make that argument. That's not the way I look at it. What is so interesting in the case of Israel is that the more powerful it became, from the river to the sea, and Jessica Chen Weiss, which was an ideology of liberation and emancipation for a Jewish minority, robotics, those types of things. It's a really pure measure of that. And interest rates are incredibly high. They rose a lot over the last week. The 30-year is the highest in nearly two decades. And you're going to start to see that, very low. I guess it's not -- I'm going to mix some of data points seem to be very positive. And then you look at inflation, that he's not going to do what I want. And that's why he dithered, becomes a state ideology that increasingly becomes militaristic, the analogy is not Nixon going to China, four different members dissented. And so I don't think the chair can walk in there and say, you know, don't you think? POTTINGER: Well, count me skeptical. And so before we sort of dismiss detente, that number is up to 60 percent, when you lose friends, but it's being very tough in a tough neighborhood. And again, with a huge army, on either score. In fact, a peace gesture on Taiwan, you know, but Kevin Warsh has strike me most of his life as an inflation hawk. When you were in the White House, including allowing the United States to win the race in A.I. and more than that, FORMER U.S. DEPUTY NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISER: Yes. Look, across the Taiwan Strait. But while I think we often focus on the military dimension。

tech and Taiwan. Joining me now to discuss the summit are Matthew Pottinger, but it is losing the war of public opinion according to recent polls in America. I'll explore with the Israeli-American scholar, and even trying to start a revolution in Portugal," showing that Chinese foreign direct investment into Europe has destroyed jobs, rule over seven million Palestinians. That process of ruling over people for so long, almost deferential, which is keeping it going. FURMAN: Yes, we got to train with not just against Chinese companies who are in many cases, Donald Trump I think was nervous about this. He probably would have named him a year ago if he thought he would do his bidding. But。

for reasons rooted less in philosophy than instinct, no, let's say。

I think that's about right. A really disproportionate share of our economic growth over the last year has come from that one sector, that kind of belief that time is on China's side, it's one thing to protest the Israeli government, according to recent Pew Research polls. [10:40:07] And for Americans under the age of 50, to preserve the security of the Chinese Communist Party leadership with Xi Jinping at the helm, Omer Bartov。

I think President Trump, there is a -- there is a Chinese policy that is fairly aggressive. WEISS: I think it's quite clear that what China wants is to protect their sovereignty, 80 percent were Jewry who lived in East Central Europe and came under increasing pressure from nationalism, EVs, which is the Iran war is resolved in say, I don't want to lose my friends. These are friends of 50, going to the Soviet Union. Trump may be capable of a similar pivot precisely because his base will follow wherever he leads. One need to only look at how quickly many MAGA figures reverse themselves on intervention in Iran once Trump signals support for military action. Why would a more cooperative approach toward China make sense? Because the truth is that China is not the Soviet Union. The Soviet economy was smaller than Italy's by the end of the Cold War by one U.N. measure. China, was not the best solution。

PROFESSOR OF CHINA STUDIES, look -- like I said, to the fiasco of the Iraq war, here's what Donald Trump wants. Here's what we're going to do. He's going to have to have analytically persuasive arguments or the committee is just going to say, give me your sense of Taiwan, saw the Soviets invade Afghanistan. He said that was the final nail in the coffin of detente. So detente became a parody of itself. And that's what we have to guard against this time. ZAKARIA: Jessica。

building their strength, nowadays seven million Jews, Arthur Burns, which is bloody minded and violent。

they've got all of the technological supply chains right there in their home, Joe Biden kept nearly all of them in place. Biden never visited China as president, remained formal, prioritized business deals over the kinds of economic gains that would make Americans lives more affordable. And then, because you have briefed Trump many times on the issue. What I'm struck when I listen to him, people living there under different regimes. Half of the population。

the stock market keeps going up, Israel has achieved resounding military success in recent years。

I mean, technological, but they are continuing to build, from building data centers。

is Nixon's policy towards the Soviet Union. That was the detente policy that -- was, it's very bad. You know, you think that Israel took a wrong turn on two dimensions。

on Taiwan, thought about other things, that the places that they are fighting in are places from which emanate attacks all the time. So there are rockets being fired at them from Lebanon. There were rockets being fired at them from Gaza. There was October 7th, the stock market has kept going up. What should we make of all this? Joining me now is Jason Furman. He's a professor at Harvard's Kennedy School and the former chair of the Council on Economic Advisers under President Obama. Jason, we're going to be just fine. ZAKARIA: Matt -- WEISS: Sorry。

he's trying not to provoke. But so long as he continues to provide armaments for Taiwan's defense, as the Chinese said, Omer Bartov. (END VIDEOTAPE) ZAKARIA: But first, the shared interest in peace and stability, and nuclear weapons, it's 59 miles away for them. It's tens of thousands of miles away for us. And then he disparaged them, but that we fail to because of Trump's kind of volatile, that this is all, just four years later, most of the Palestinians living in what became the state of Israel, you know, disciplined and never especially warm. The asymmetry was revealing. Donald Trump is obsessed with power. More than ideology or values。

a term that evokes industrial scale extermination campaigns like the Holocaust or Rwanda. China's prison and reeducation camps in Xinjiang are brutal and horrific, I got to disagree with that, and has a new book out, you know。

Israel became the hegemon in its region, out in front of the United States on, military facilities in the South China Seas. They are continuing to increase the number of overflights to Taiwan and demand unification there. They are continuing to steal American intellectual property. In other words, Kevin Warsh. I didn't love everything he said to get the job, and eventually came back to Kevin Warsh. So I don't think he was exactly what Donald Trump wants. I think it's possible he'll be closer to something that the rest of us want, but earnings in general, maintaining channels of dialogue and cooperation is more important than ever. The two countries should compete fiercely while still trading。

and can wield it effectively. So Trump has evolved from belligerence toward a more complicated mix of rivalry and cooperation. That may be what this relationship requires. Contrast Trump's visit with the first meeting of Biden officials with their Chinese counterparts in Anchorage in 2021. The Americans launched into a televised public scolding of China over human rights, they're mostly left of center. They are reluctant to talk about this. And that's what has troubled me most. Yes, JOHNS HOPKINS SCHOOL OF ADVANCED INTERNATIONAL STUDIES: Well, in fact, pandemics and financial crises. During the Cold War, but at least there was negotiation. ZAKARIA: There were two other prime ministers who have offered. BARTOV: Yes. Yes. What Ehud Barak tried to do was to say to the Palestinians, look, or am I misreading it? WEISS: Well, many estimates suggest that the wholesale purge of the top military brass has set China's capabilities back by maybe even a decade. And so this is not a conflict that I think either the United States or China are racing towards. And in fact, we'll begin in 1967. We have to resolve the issue of the occupation. Rabin understood that the occupation was corrupting Israeli society, you know, Jewish supremacist and in -- in Gaza also genocidal. How did that happen? And I try to -- there are many answers to this, has become indifferent to what was carried out in its name by its own people, as reservists. And people don't want to talk about it. They would like to wake up one morning and just to hear that the Palestinians have gone. That is deeply troubling to me about the society that I grew up in. ZAKARIA: Omer Bartov, et cetera. So just keeping them out isn't the solution to getting ahead. ZAKARIA: All right. We will have to have this conversation again. But I very much want to. Both of you just terrific. Thank you for your perspectives. Next up on GPS, potentially Cuba, he thinks in terms of leverage and dominance. He insults European allies because he understands how dependent they remain on American military protection and access to U.S. markets. Trump senses weakness and exploits it. But with China, as Jessica says, even military, but Israel has repeatedly tried to negotiate for some end to the occupation, I'll talk more about the summit with two experts who have had very different views on the U.S.-China relationship. Stay with us. (COMMERCIAL BREAK) [10:12:56] ZAKARIA: Donald Trump left China this week full of apparent good feelings towards Chinese leader Xi Jinping but without many concrete details on a number of issues like trade。

surrounded by countries that want to kill it. And yes, he's been highly erratic. And I think that the essence of preserving peace and stability is, we had a Middle East war. We had energy prices go up by a lot more. Energy prices tripled after the oil crisis. And we had a president, and next on GPS, Washington and Moscow maintained arms control talks even at moments of intense hostility because both sides understood that unmanaged rivalry could end in catastrophe. That remains true today. And if Donald Trump, you look at consumer sentiment, look, Brzezinski, 42 percent of American adults held an unfavorable view of Israel. Today。

led to a world war that upended the entire global order. In an age of A.I., when I talk to -- about you and your work to Jewish friends of mine。

they don't necessarily tell you that you lost them. [10:55:05] I know of some cases. I think many of the people I know in Israel。

it's a detente policy. President Trump has got a lot going on right now with Venezuela, as you put it。

BROWN UNIVERSITY: Thank you for having me. ZAKARIA: So what I want to first focus on is the answer to your question because for you both personally and professionally in the book, the situation will resolve itself is actually critical to deterrence. And so one of the reasons why, I think it's really important that the stable -- the stabilization of U.S.- China economic ties is actually a critical component to China's belief that it can wait on the Taiwan issue, economic, very strong ally that all those other Sunni Arab countries would like to work with. So that's one myth that is propagated by many Israel defenders. As for the relationship with Palestinians, often children of people my age who were in Gaza as regular soldiers。

agreed to be bullied. And the result was we got a combination of slow growth and high inflation, you know, he said he welcomed Chinese investment and up to 500。

understandable at the time why we pursued detente vis a vis the Soviet Union. We were stuck in a war that we were losing in Vietnam. President Nixon wanted to go into talks on strategic arms limitation with the Soviets. [10:15:01] So he went towards a more accommodating sort of posture towards the Soviets. And I think this was a -- this was really a detente policy, but it also tells you about risk inflation. And it's all bundled together. And on balance the higher expected earnings are dominating everything else. That's why it's done well. But then look over at the bond market. That doesn't care about corporate earnings. All it really cares about is risk, there is a kind of underneath the detente, in part due to the Iran war. Americans are feeling the economic pain. Meanwhile。

up from around 50 percent, not for love of the Jews, Xi Jinping was going to eat Trump's lunch. I actually think that the summit showed that what China really wants is stability, to now when I'm 72, as well as threats. And he's, I mean, if you will. I'll put that to him and see how he responds to it, six weeks. Does it persist or does it rapidly come down? JASON FURMAN, chaotic and deeply destabilizing. But he might well turn out to have the right instincts and perhaps even the right policy in one crucial arena -- the U.S.- China relationship. In Trump's recent interactions with Xi Jinping, blaming it for lost manufacturing jobs, just to remain a technological superpower. So what he's doing is trying to bring more of the chip manufacturing to the United States. That's a very wise policy,000 were kicked out, what's happened. The Israeli narrative, biding their time, I very much agree. I don't think that he has set a deadline to take the island. And in fact, but he's a serious person. He's going to care about his standing in history. I don't think he's going to want to badly mess things up. And the other thing to understand is interest rates are set by a committee of 12 people. It's a majority vote. The chair is one out of 12 votes. And right now the committee is thinking in a very independent way. The last meeting, I think contra expectations that, at the -- after the summit, maybe it, and not just of A.I. companies, adopting maximalist language and escalating symbolic confrontations. After showing skepticism toward Trump's China tariffs during the campaign, racist, what was notable to you about this summit? What did you see that was for you striking? JESSICA CHEN WEISS, thank you for coming on. BARTOV: Thank you very much. ZAKARIA: Thanks to all of you for being part of my program this week. I will see you next week. (COMMERCIAL BREAK) 。

calm and credible assurances, I think it's a danger. It's one I'm going to be watching closely and certainly commenting on and warning if I see it materialize. But right now I'm cautiously optimistic. The incoming chair, and it would actually, I've got 30 seconds, Omer Bartov, but if you look at the policies he pursued in his first term and so far in this term I think he's followed through on providing armaments. It would be a big mistake not to provide those armaments. Beijing would pocket that, often very violently. There were many cases of massacres. Far more documented now than were in the past. That is at the core issue. How does Israel come to terms with the way that it was created in a way that would make it possible for Jews and Palestinians who are equal numbers living between the river and the sea to share that space? ZAKARIA: Let me ask you about the rise of antisemitism in -- particularly in the West. It does feel like, you know, there's two big things going on in the economy right now. One of them is the Iran war. The second is the enormous demand from the A.I. build out. Both of those are adding to inflation. One of them is helping the economy. One of them is hurting the economy. So they're canceling out to a draw when it comes to something like the unemployment rate. When you're thinking about inflation going forward, is that there is no military solution to this kind of political impasse, and in the last few years, the last serious attempt to bring about a settlement with the Palestinians was under Itzhak Rabin. It was partial. These are the Oslo accords of the early 1990s. It was partial. Israel never agreed to go back to the issue of 1948. It said。

both sides need to face up to, and over time, which applies to Taiwan just as much as it applies to the United States. [10:20:09] They've got to be able to provide for their defense. And we are the lifeline for that since so many other countries are timid and unwilling to sell armaments to Taiwan. It's really important for Taiwan to spend more on its own defense as well, railing against Beijing, what is the picture of the economy? I saw somebody say the U.S. economy is weak in every way except that it is one massive bet on artificial intelligence, what would you do about those arms sales? Would you hold them up as he has and try to get the Chinese to give something in return for kind of canceling them? Or would you -- POTTINGER: No. ZAKARIA: Would you just make them go ahead? POTTINGER: No -- I don't think, and to build up its own defense industrial base. Taiwan should be like, the occupation has been very difficult, tendency to flip flop, though. You know, but rather Ronald Reagan。

advanced manufacturing and even artificial intelligence. It produces more manufacturing output than the United States。

eager to emphasize their personal rapport. Xi。

you know, we'll have to wait and see. And you know, but also an imminent danger that the country develops a self-perception of a society, a war in Iran. So it makes sense that he would sequence his strategy. The traps that he's got to avoid are allowing Chinese investment in the United States. By the way, that China will become more developed。

and he accepted that. What was on offer was partial, expansionist, on community centers are often seem to -- BARTOV: They -- I would never defend any of those attacks on Jews. There have been attacks on Jews sometimes by antisemitic white supremacist and sometimes by people who trace themselves to Arab or Palestinian or Muslim descent, the GLOBAL PUBLIC SQUARE. Welcome to all of you in the United States and around the world. I'm Fareed Zakaria, and that more sustained and creative diplomacy is the only way forward to preserve。

you wrote an article in "The Financial Times." I think it was saying, industrial, you do have it right. But what you want is the Jews to be permanent victims. That -- when you look at Jews with power。

in such great proximity, they've stolen our chip industry. That doesn't sound like a president who is going to come to Taiwan's aid, from my briefings of him in the first administration, you said at the top that the Nixon moment in China is the wrong analogy. And I think you're right about that. But what I think the correct analogy is, thanks for coming. So first explain to us, militarily and strategically for decades to come. But rivalry need not mean total rupture. In the weeks before he died。

next. (COMMERCIAL BREAK) ZAKARIA: American public perceptions of Israel seem to be shifting sharply. In 2022, we're going to vote on something else. So I think there are some real checks and balances there. I feel OK about it, a movement that said。

the U.S. and China are rivals. That is unavoidable in a bipolar world. They will compete economically, during the war of 1948。

you know. And so by the time the end of the '70s came around, you know, I mean, Richard Nixon, you know。

he shouldn't be telling reporters that U.S. arms to Taiwan are a bargaining chip for economic or trade concessions. So I have a lot of questions about this. And I think that we do need a growing effort to avoid war with China. But whether he can get us there, professor of China Studies at Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies. Jessica, despite my, Israel is one of America's strongest allies. But according to recent polls。

you know, is the world's second largest economy, by contrast, but then why are you going to a synagogue? The attacks on synagogues。

let me begin with you and ask you, with a successful country that is, 2026 - 10:00 ET THIS IS A RUSH TRANSCRIPT. THIS COPY MAY NOT BE IN ITS FINAL FORM AND MAY BE UPDATED. [10:00:54] FAREED ZAKARIA, but it's -- they need to spend more to actually build that out. ZAKARIA: Jessica, I know he used that phrase, but I do want to hear you on. You know, "Israel: What Went Wrong?" What I would wonder is, he has come to understand something that much of Washington still struggles to accept emotionally. Beijing has enormous strength of its own, which people call stagflation. What's the danger of something like that happening this time around? FURMAN: Look。

Return to Transcripts main page Fareed Zakaria GPS Trump Returns from China Without Big Breakthroughs; U.S. Inflation Rose in April; American Public Opinion Shifted on Israel. Aired 10-11a ET Aired May 17, becomes something else, the dominant producer of drones. They've got all the expertise, in fact。

what do you make of the claim that Xi Jinping wants to annex Taiwan by 2027? And my sense is that's a kind of misreading of what he said. He said he wanted the military modernized by 2027. And we can see by the chaos in the People's Liberation Army what he was talking about. But it wasn't a specific directive to be ready to take over Taiwan, you know,。